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AN 


ADDRESS, 

/ 

DELIVERED  BEFORE 


THE  BRUTUS  FIRE  SOCIETY, 

T 


IN 


w  13  w  m  hip  (s>  is  ^  $ 


AT  THEIR  ANNUAL  MEETING,  JAN.  6,  1831. 


BY  SAMUEL  T.  DeFORD. 


“All  that  can  be  required  of  an  individual  in  a  righteous  cause  is  to  exert  his 
best  efforts, — if  these  fail,  then  he  is  blameless." — McKektnet. 


.  BOSTON  COT  TT'OE  LIBRARY 
CHESTNUT  IILL,  MASS. 

NEWBURYPORT  : 

PRINTED  BY  E.  W.  ALLEN  &  CO. 


/ 


THE  free  institutions  of  our  country, — the  high,  the  invalua- 
hie  privileges  enjoyed  by  every  member  of  our  great  and  happy 
republic, — the  exalted  station  which  that  republic  sustains  in  the 
rank  of  nations;  and  the  universal  respect  and  admiration,  not  un- 
mingled  with  envy,  that  she  elicits  from  even  the  highest  poten¬ 
tates  of  the  old  world,  though  she  herself  is  yet  in  the  freshness  and 
greenness  of  youth; — these  are  topics,  which  are  new  to  none  of 
us.  They  have  formed  subjects  for  the  most  eloquent  discourses 
and  debates;  the  most  brilliant  poems  and  essays,  that  have  breathed 
from  the  lips  or  flowed  from  the  pens  of  our  highest  and  most  gift¬ 
ed  fellow-citizens,  almost  from  the  hour,  that  we  became  a  free 
people,  unto  the  present  period. 

Where  is  the  child  that  does  not  associate  the  idea  of  his 
country’s  glory  with  his  first  and  earliest  recollections, — who  has 
not  heard  it  in  the  roar  of  the  cannon,  in  the  pealing  bells,  and  in 
the  loud  shouts  of  gratulation  and  joy  which  have  ever  signalized 
the  glad  return  of  his  country’s  independence?  Where  is  the  fa¬ 
ther,  who  has  not  instilled  into  the  youthful  bosom  of  his  son,  that 
enthusiastic  devotion  to  the  cause  of  American  liberty,  which  burns 
in  his  own; — or  where  is  the  man,  of  whatever  rank,  who  does  not 
deem  it  his  highest  duty  to  evince  upon  all  occasions,  and  in  every 
situation,  that  warm  attachment,  I  may  say  veneration,  for  the  in¬ 
stitutions  of  his  native  land,  so  peculiarly  the  pride  and  boast  of 
every  free  born  American? 

But  strange  as  it  may  appear,  with  all  these  inducements  for 
the  exercise  of  gratitude  and  contentment,  we  find  too  many  among 
us,  who,  while  they  apparently  glory  in  the  name  of  an  American, 
and  seem  to  cherish  a  desire  for  that  continued  union  and  spirit  of 
conciliation  among  the  great  body  of  the  people,  which  are  the 
surest  bulwarks  and  safeguards  of  their  liberties; — I  say  that  there 
are  too  many  among  us,  who,  while  they  profess  to  be  actu¬ 
ated  by  these  considerations,  are  in  reality  sowing  the  seeds  of 


f 


4 


discontent  and  animosity,  which  will  ultimately  spring  up  into  a 
harvest  of  civil  discord  and  strife,  unless  means  be  adopted  to  ar¬ 
rest  the  growing  evil,  ere  it  arrive  at  maturity. 

The  aristocratic  and  jealous  spirits  of  our  father  land,  who 
would  blast  the  increasing  honors,  that  cluster  around  our  coun¬ 
try’s  name,  dare  to  predict  the  speedy  downfall  of  her  rising  fame; 
dare  even  to  predict  the  limits  beyond  which  she  shall  no  longer 
be  hailed  as  freest  of  the  free. — And  do  we  not  ourselves  give  just 
cause  for  such  speculations?  Do  we  not  put  into  the  hands  of 
our  enemies,  the  very  weapons  which  they  use  to  destroy  our  fair 
reputation? 

Are  not  the  many  advantages  which  we  possess  over  other 
nations,  converted  to  sources  of  daily  increasing  evil,  even  by 
those  whose  aim  it  should  be  to  turn  these  advantages  to  the  high¬ 
est  possible  good?  The  unrestricted  freedom  of  our  press;  is  it 
not  fearful  to  remark  the  abuses,  the  scandalous  abuses  to  which 
it  leads?  Who  can  behold  with  an  indifferent  eye,  the  labyrinth 
of  error,  bitter  hatred  and  animosity,  into  which  the  uncandid, 
nay,  more  than  uncandid,  the  grossly  libellous  discussions  which 
fill  the  columns  of  our  newspapers,  must  inevitably  plunge  us;  and 
who  is  sufficiently  daring  to  foretell  how  far  they  shall  tend  to  the 
subversion  of  our  most  valuable  rights  and  privileges? 

All  men  were  born  free  and  equal.  This  fundamental  article 
of  our  Constitution  was  designed  to  promote  that  feeling  of  self- 
respect,  and  honest  ambition,  which  should  ever  be  encouraged  in 
every  individual  who  bears  the  name  of  a  freeman.  And  it  is  a 
sentiment  that  is  capable  of  producing  the  most  beneficial  results 
to  the  whole  community.  But  if  it  be  true  that  all  men  are  born 
free  and  equal,  is  it  not  also  true,  is  it  not,  indeed,  a  self-evident 
proposition,  that  all  men  cannot  be  endowed  with  equal  talents, 
equal  acquirements,  or  equal  advantages,  and  that,  consequently, 
they  cannot,  or  ought  not  to  aspire  to  equally  exalted  stations  in 
society?  Most  unhappily  for  our  present  peace  and  good  fellow¬ 
ship,  and  for  our  future  prospects  as  a  nation,  a  spirit  of  darkness 
is  abroad  among  us,  spreading  far  and  wide  the  baleful  contagion 
of  jealousy,  rancor,  and  all  the  unholy  passions,  which  agitate  the 
human  breast.  It  is  impossible  to  compute  the  amount  of  injury, ' 
which  the  diffusion  of  such  a  spirit  is  capable  of  accomplishing,  in 


a  country  like  ours.  In  what  does  our  national  strength  consist? 
Is  it  in  a  standing  army,  whose  imposing  array  should  be  sufficient 
to  awe  into  trembling  servility  to  the  powers  that  be,  even  the  man 
who  is  conscious  of  the  rectitude  of  his  purposes;  but  who  would 
not  then  dare  openly  to  avow  it?  Is  it  in  a  vigilant  and  watchful 
police,  whose  very  existence  proves  the  utter  insecurity  of  the 
government  it  is  designed  to  strengthen?  Is  not  our  only  hope  of 
safety,  founded  upon  the  firm  principle,  unshaken  integrity,  and 
disinterested  patriotism  of  the  great  mass  of  our  body  politic;  upon 
feelings  of  kindness,  of  good  faith,  and  unsuspecting  confidence 
between  the  various  members  of  it  ?  Are  not  these  the  very  es¬ 
sence  of  our  national  security;  and  to  overthrow  them,  is  it  not  to 
overthrow  the  very  foundations  of  our  government  itself?  I  think 
no  candid  and  ingenuous  mind  can  deny  the  truth  of  this.  No 
man  who  has  the  best  good  of  his  country  at  heart,  can  view,  with 
any  other  feelings  than  those  of  deprecation,  the  attempts  which 
have  been  made,  and  are  still  making,  to  disturb  the  tranquillity 
and  union  of  sentiment  and  action,  so  important  to  our  public  and 
individual  interests,  by  striving  to  awaken  in  any  class  of  the  com¬ 
munity,  an  envious,  discontented  and  jealous  spirit  towards  any 
other  class,  as  being  more  wealthy,  more  liberally  educated,  or  as 
following  professional  pursuits. 

Far  be  it  from  me  to  assert,  that  the  power  of  improving  those 
talents,  which,  in  a  greater  or  less  degree,  are  possessed  by  each 
one  of  us,  is  confined  to  the  educated  classes  alone.  Or  that  they 
only,  are  capable  of  filling  high  offices  of  trust  and  honor,  to  the 
utter  exclusion  of  those,  whose  destiny  has  been  cast  in  a  less  for¬ 
tunate  scale  than  theirs,  as  it  regards  the  means  of  acquiring  that 
fund  of  knowledge  and  varied  information,  which  are  essentially 
necessary  to  the  successful  discharge  of  the  great  and  responsible 
duties  that  necessarily  devolve  upon  those  who  occupy  the  high 
places  in  the  temple  of  fame.  I  should  be  the  first  to  scorn  a  man 
who  would  draw  such  a  line — who  would  use  one  iota  of  his  influ¬ 
ence  to  cramp  the  aspirations  or  crush  the  laudable  ambition  of  an 
energetic  and  lofty  mind,  in  whatever  sphere  of  life  it  may  be 
found.  I  cannot  surely  be  accused  of  undue  sympathy  with  the 
wealthy,  or  professional  man.  I  have  acquired  neither  riches  nor 
honor  in  the  pursuit  of  law,  theology,  or  physic.  I  am  a  mechanic 


6 


and  a  working-man,  and  I  glory  in  the  title.  I  deem  it  a  qualifi¬ 
cation  too  respectable,  too  valuable,  to  be  sunk  to  the  low  and  de¬ 
graded  station  to  which  some  would  debase  it.  What  is  a  me¬ 
chanic,  and  a  New  England  mechanic  peculiarly,  but  another 
word,  for  all  that  is  deserving  of  respect  and  consideration?  It  is 
not  in  our  favored  land,  that  the  industrious,  sober-minded,  up¬ 
right  man  is  to  be  stigmatized  with  the  epithet  of  degraded,  be¬ 
cause  he  earns  an  honest  subsistence  for  himself  and  family,  by 
the  labor  of  his  hands.  This  is  not  the  country  where  he  has 
occasion  to  fear  oppression  and  scorn,  from  the  overbearing  and 
all-controling  influence  of  a  monied  aristocracy.  We  all  know, 
we  cannot  be  blind  to  the  fact,  that  we  have  no  aristocracy:  nothing 
that  can  by  possibility  bear  the  name.  Let  us  look  around  us  and 
see  of  what  is  composed  this  aristocracy,  which  is  now  made  so 
convenient  a  channel,  into  which  to  pour  the  overflowings  of  fret¬ 
ful,  ill-tempered  and  selfish  minds.  If  it  mean  our  rich  men, 
surely,  nothing  can  be  more  unjust,  than  the  use  of  such  an  op¬ 
probrious  appellation  as  applied  to  them.  How  have  the  great 
proportion  of  our  wealthy  citizens  acquired  their  envied  riches? 
Not  from  the  coffers  of  a  long  line  of  purse  proud  and  haughty 
progenitors;  coffers  filled  from  the  grindings  of  the  poor,  the  or¬ 
phan,  and  the  widow.  They  have  been  acquired  by  the  most 
painful  labor,  anxiety,  and  watchfulness. — They  are  the  careful 
earnings  of  a  toil-spent  life,  and  their  possessors  once  numbered 
themselves  even  among  the  class  of  those  very  working-men,  in¬ 
dividuals  among  whom  are  now  raising  against  them  the  cry  of 
aristocracy. 

Nor  do  we  see  them  despising  the  station  they  thus  honora¬ 
bly  occupied,  and  from  whence  they  have  arisen  to  rank  and  in¬ 
fluence — not  by  useless  repinings  at  the  allotments  of  Providence, 
not  by  suspicion  of  their  fellow-men — but  by  active,  untiring  in¬ 
dustry,  patience  and  frugality.  And  is  it  just,  is  it  consistent 
with  the  principles  of  a  noble  and  generous  nature,  that  men  who 
have  borne  the  heat  and  burden  of  the  day,  should  receive  as  their 
reward  only  ill-founded,  jealous  and  malevolent  envy,  merely 
for  having  succeeded  in  the  well-fought  and  hard  won  race  for 
competency  and  ease?  I  conceive  that  there  is  offered  to  me¬ 
chanics  and  other  working-men,  no  greater  encouragement  or  in- 


ducement  to  persevere  in  honorable  exertion,  than  the  fact  that  so 
many  from  their  own  ranks,  and  by  means  within  their  own  reach, 
have  prosperously  achieved  the  purposes  of  their  labors,  in  being 
enabled  to  spend  their  declining  years  in  freedom  from  embarass- 
ment,  to  rear  their  children,  to  honor  and  usefulness, — and  to  con¬ 
tribute  by  the  generous  expenditure  of  their  rightful  gains,  in 
meliorating  the  condition  and  providing  for  the  wants  of  the  poor 
and  needy. 

The  desire  of  accumulating  wealth  is  one  from  which  no  man 
is  exempt:  and,  if  not  carried  to  excess,  is  one  of  which  no  man 
should  be  ashamed.— Nay  more,  to  endeavor  to  lay  up  for  our¬ 
selves  an  easy  competency  against  the  hour  of  sickness  or  old 
age,  and  to  make  a  provision  for  our  offspring,  is  an  imperious 
duty— to  neglect  which,  were  to  be  worse  than  an  infidel.  But  let 
no  one  dream  that  any  lasting  advantage  is  to  be  obtained  at  the 
expense  of  all  the  manly  and  disinterested  qualities  of  which  our 
nature  is  susceptible.  And  what  have  we  to  fear  of  overbearing 
self-sufficiency  on  the  part  of  our  merchants  and  tradesmen?  I 
grant  that  the  meixantile  man  is  much  more  likely  to  secure  to 
himself  a  large  fortune,  in  a  short  period,  than  if  pursuing  any 
other  employment.  He  who  risks  much,  may  hope  to  gain  in  the 
same  proportion. 

A  merchant  hazards  his  all  upon  the  success  or  failure  of  a 
great  speculation.  If  that  speculation  prove  successful,  his  for¬ 
tune  is  made; — if  it  fail,  he  is  lost,  irretrievably  lost.  Therefore, 
it  is  most  idle  for  the  less  gainful,  because  less  bold  and  daring  ad¬ 
venturer  for  the  favors  of  fortune,  to  indulge  in  such  apprehensions 
of  the  influence  of  that  man,  whose  situation  is,  in  the  nature  of 
things,  precarious;  who  may  be  in  comparative  affluence  to-day, 
and  to-morrow,  by  circumstances  over  which  he  has  no  control' 
and  which  he  cannot  foresee,  may  become  a  bankrupt.  The  un¬ 
certainty  that  attends  even  his  surest  enterprises,  forbids  him  to 
assume  the  tone  of  authority  or  dictation  over  another  man,  who 
to-morrow,  may  stand  far  above  him,  in  those  very  possessions 
upon  which  he  prides  himself.  And  is  it  true,  that  even  where 
such  uncertainty  does  not  exist,  that,  where  the  capital  is  too 
great  to  admit  of  total  failure,  we  actually  find  any  instance  of  at¬ 
tempts  to  encroach  upon  the  rights  of  others,  that  do  not  imrae- 


8 


diately  receive  the  condemnation  they  deserve;  and  can  even  tear 
that  they  will  he  capable  of  exerting  an  influence,  prejudicial  to 
the  welfare  of  any  portion  of  the  community? 

But  if  the  .charge  of  aristocracy  rests  not  with  our  monied 
men,  nor  with  those  engaged  in  the  acquisition  of  wealth  by  traf¬ 
fic,  where,  let  me  ask,  is  there  another  class  to  whom  it  may  be 
applied?  Can  it  be  that  of  the  learned  professions?  Is  there  any 
thing  in  the  conversation,  the  bearing,  the  daily  habits  of  our  cler¬ 
gymen,  our  lawyers,  or  physicians,  inconsistent  with  the  purest 
principles  of  republican  equality?  I  will  venture  to  answer  that 
there  is  not.  And  I  call  upon  all  those  whom  I  now  address,  to 
say  in  truth  and  sincerity,  whether  there  is  any  just  or  reasonable 
ground  for  such  a  charge.  This  very  society,  to  which  we  be¬ 
long,  is  it  not  composed  of  literary,  scientific  and  professional  men, 
as  well  as  of  those  who  are  devoted  to  mechanical  pursuits  ; — and 
can  any  one  member  of  this  society  assert,  that  we  do  not  all 
stand  upon  a  level  of  perfect  equality;  or  that  we  do  not  exercise 
equal  influence,  and  enjoy  equal  privileges?  The  same  may  be 
asked  with  regard  to  every  association  of  men  among  us,  formed 
for  purposes  of  general  utility;  and  I  think  I  may  safely  affirm  that 
the  answer  in  every  instance  would  be  the  same.  It  is  not  true 
that  our  professional  men  claim  for  themselves  a  superiority  over 
others,  founded  merely  upon  the  accidental  differences  of  situation 
and  standing  in  life.  There  are  weak  men  in  every  profession, 
and  there  may  be  individuals,  that  may  warrant  an  exception  to 
this  assertion.  The  lawyer  cannot  be  supposed  to  entertain  such 
reflections,  amid  the  harassing  and  perplexing  cares  and  anxieties, 
the  troubles  and  vexations  that  daily  and  hourly  attend  his  prac¬ 
tice.  Nor  is  it  amid  the  solemn  and  affecting  scenes  of  a  court  of 
justice,  where  life  and  death  hang  as  it  were,  upon  the  decision  of 
his  own  lips,  that  the  most  learned  and  eloquent  advocate  can  be 
believed  to  indulge  feelings  of  arrogant  superiority,  or  vain-glori¬ 
ous  pride.  Neither  is  it  to  the  medical  profession,  that  we  are  to 
look  for  these  traits  of  character.  What  room  is  there  for  the  in¬ 
dulgence  of  them,  in  the  peculiarly  absorbing  and  self  denying  oc¬ 
cupations  of  such  a  life.  Is  it  in  the  chambers  of  disease  and  suf¬ 
fering,  around  the  bed  of  death,  or  in  the  hovels  of  poverty, where 
his  charity  as  well  as  his  humanity  is  so  often  felt  and  acknow- 


9 


lodged,  that  the  anxious  and  assiduous  physician  feels  the  impor¬ 
tance  of  worldly  honors  and  worldly  distinctions?  And  least  of  all 
should  it  be  deemed  that  a  clergyman  is  influenced  by  any  feeling 
or  desire,  so  utterly  inconsistent  with  the  doctrines  he  inculcates, 
or  the  principles  which  he  is  desirous  of  promoting.  This  is  a 
profession  little  adapted  to  swell  the  pride  of  man,  or  to  raise  him 
in  self-estimation,  above  his  fellow  man,  whom  he  esteems,  equally 
with  himself,  entitled  to  all  the  privileges  and  favors  due  to  the 
children  of  the  same  great  parent.  The  consciousness  of  having 
amassed  a  splendid  fortune  in  the  discharge  of  these  arduous  du¬ 
ties,  independent  of  any  other  pursuit,  falls  to  the  lot  of  few,  very 
few,  of  our  community.  The  number  of  physicians,  clergymen  or 
lawyesr  who  have  acquired  such  a  fortune,  by  their  profession 
alone,  is  wonderfully  small. 

They  cannot,  then,  make  boast  of  their  riches,  or  domineer  over 
the  people,  and  how  can  the  charge  of  aristocracy  rest  with  them? 
And  if  not  with  them,  I  ask  again,  where  does  it  affix  itself?  Not 
among  the  occupants  of  our  National  or  State  offices. — Not  among 
the  legislators  in  our  halls  of  Congress; — for  who  does  not  know 
that  these  are  paths  which  are  freely  open  to  every  individual  who 
possesses  the  talents,  the  desire,  or  the  leisure  to  pursue  them, 
whatever  may  be  the  particular  employment  by  which  he  subsists  ? 

No,  my  friends,  it  is  a  great  mistake  to  suppose,  that  we  have 
any  other  aristocracy,  than  that  of  merit,  and  this  is  one,  which 
we  should  all  be  proud  to  acknowledge  as  existing  in  our  country, 
and  endeavor  by  every  means  in  our  power  to  maintain  its  in¬ 
fluence. 

But  although  it  be  admitted  that  there  is  no  particular  class 
of  men,  to  whom  belongs  the  exclusive  right  of  aspiring  to  all  high 
and  honorable  stations;  it  cannot  be  admitted,  that  there  are  not  a 
class  of  men  more  peculiarly  fitted  to  fill  those  stations  than  others. 

The  man  who  has  been  educated  in  literary  pursuits,  who  has 
received  every  advantage  of  education  which  can  be  afforded  him, 
and  whose  life  has  been  spent  in  the  acquirement  of  learning  and 
science,  is  certainly  better  fitted,  all  other  things  being  equal,  to 
promote  the  interests  of  his  country  by  his  intellectual  powers, 
than  that  man  can  be,  who  has  been  denied  those  advantages;  who 

2 


has  neither  time  nor  opportunity  for  acquiring  them,  and  conse¬ 
quently  cannot  expect  equal  success  in  the  higher  walks  of  life. 

Let  me  not  be  misunderstood. — Let  it  not  be  presumed,  that 
I  deny  to  any  class  the  honor  of  being  useful  to  their  country. — - 
All  virtuous  men  may  be  highly  useful ;  but  not  all  in  the  same 
way.  It  does  not  necessarily  follow,  that,  because  a  man  may  be 
eminent  in  one  sphere,  he  should  be  so  in  all;  that  because  he  may 
be  a  proficient  in  one  art,  he  should  be  acquainted  with  every 
other.  It  is  true,  that  by  diligent  and  constant  exertion,  the  pos¬ 
sessor  of  five  talents,  may  make  those  talents  ten;  it  is  true,  that 
the  farmer,  the  mechanic,  the  mariner  or  laborer,  may  rise  to  the 
most  elevated  place  in  the  gift  of  the  nation.  There  is  nothing 
impossible  in  all  this, — there  is  nothing  objectionable  in  it,  nay  it 
is  a  thing  to  be  desired.  But  to  arrive  at  such  a  result,  there 
are  things  absolutely  necessary  to  be  possessed  of,  otherwise 
such  a  transition  would  be  utterly  impossible.  A  man,  in 
order  to  rise  to  great  distinction,  must  possess  a  strong  and 
well  balanced  mind,  to  overcome  the  difficulties  that  will  im¬ 
pede  his  progress;  talents  to  secure  the  necessary  information 
which  shall  enable  him  to  keep  pace  with  his  rivals  in  fame  and 
ambition;  a  vigorous  intellect,  capable  of  distinguishing  the  best 
interests  of  his  fellow  men;  and  a  well  regulated  judgment  to  di-  - 
rect  and  control  his  exertions  in  their  behalf.  And  to  all  these 
natural  gifts,  must  be  added  extensive  attainments,  only  to  be  ac¬ 
quired  by  a  course  of  unremitting,  laborious  study.  They  must 
be  acquired  by  many  a  sacrifice  of  ease  and  comfort;  many  a  wea¬ 
risome  day  and  sleepless  night.  And  for  all  this,  has  every  indi¬ 
vidual  in  the  community  the  requisite  leisure,  even  admitting  that 
he  has  the  requisite  power.  True  it  is  that  the  hard  working  me¬ 
chanic  full  well  knows  how  to  sacrifice  his  ease  and  comfort,  has 
passed  many  sleepless  nights  and  wearisome  days;  but  it  is  to  lay 
up  something  for  the  hour  of  need; — it  is  to  clothe  and  feed  a  de¬ 
pendent  family,  that  he  makes  these  sacrifices;  and  vainly  would 
he  seek  to  find  time  or  health,  for  the  exercise  of  severe  intellec¬ 
tual  labor,  added  to  the  bodily  toil,  which  necessity  obliges  him  to 
undergo,  even  where  he  is  eminently  qualified  by  nature  for  such 
a  task.  He  must  take  from  rest  and  repose,  absolutely  necessa¬ 
ry  to  the  preservation  of  a  healthful  frame  of  mind  and  body,  the 


11 


moments  to  be  devoted  to  literary  pursuits.  The  midnight  hour, 
and  even  the  early  dawn  must  find  him  watching; — and  can  he  ac¬ 
complish  all  this  with  the  hope  or  expectation  of  preserving  in 
their  full  vigor,  his  bodily  and  mental  faculties?  Were  there  a 
situation  in  life,  either  exalted  or  humble,  which  could  be  filled 
creditably  or  honorably,  without  exertion  or  labor,  then  indeed 
might  the  wish  to  occupy  it  be  consistently  entertained  by  all  men. 
But  there  is  no  such  situation,  and  the  fact  that  the  indolent  and 
inactive  man  can  seldom  rise  above  mediocrity,  proves  there  is 
not.  Immunity  from  toilsome  exertion  can,  least  of  all,  be  claim¬ 
ed  by  those  who  have  arrived  at  the  highest  honors.  Intellectual 
exertion  must  be  acknowledged,  as  equally,  if  not  more,  painfully 
laborious,  than  any  other;  and  we  are  constantly  reminded  in  the 
sudden  and  premature  departure  from  life  of  those  engaged  m 
them,  that  they  are  far  more  incompatible  with  the  enjoyment  of 
that  invaluable  blessing,  health.  And  if  the  man  of  brilliant  tal¬ 
ents  and  extraordinary  mental  powers,  receives  the  homage  of  ad¬ 
miration  and  unbounded  respect,  and  is  raised  to  situations  the 
most  elevated  in  society;  1  regard  him  only  as  leceiving  t  e  just 
reward  of  his  arduous  warfare,— a  reward  to  which  he  claims  a 
right,  by  all  those  principles,  by  which  we  ought  to  be  it  we  are 

not,  governed. 

I  deem  it  not  consistent  with  these  principles  that,  because  a 
man  is  well  educated,  and  has  been  favored  wifi  the  en  owments 
of  fortune;  that  because  he  possesses  great  r“tura  abilities,  and  a 
richly  cultivated  and  gifted  understanding,  must,  for  that  cause, 

be  deprived  of  all  opportunity  of  risinr tho  world;  a"c  0  e‘ 
stowing  upon  his  countrymen,  the  wnefits  of  an  enlightened  and 

intelligent  mind.  The  laborer  «  entitled  to  Ins  lure  and  when 

.  .  ,  .  t  t  aA  „ould  be  hard  indeed  to  deprive  him 

his  work  is  accomplished,  it  ^oum  •  .  u  I  i  c  n 

so  the  laborer  in  the  intellectual  held, 

e q u allyU(lese r ves"  the* h" st  reward  of  his  wel1  executcd  task'  And 
that  reward  he  will  fA  must  receive, -and  vain  will  be  thc  en¬ 
deavor  to  depri’^  him  of  it.  ,  .  . 

Mere  ^vantages  of  birth  or  wealth,  will  not,  of  themselves 

ensure  cither  praise  or  renown.  But  talent  is  all-command, ng  ; 
talent  will  exercise  an  invincible  sway;  and  as  soon  might  we 
hope  to  quell  thc  proud  waves  of  the  ocean,  as  bid  the  conscious 


t 


12 


possessor  of  such  a  talisman,  resign  the  brilliant  hopes  it  opens 
to  him. 

Nothing  is  more  absurd,  nothing  indicates  a  greater  ignorance 
of  the  whole  law  of  nature,  than  to  suppose,  that  all  men  can  be 
equally  fitted  for  all  conditions.  Contrarieties  must  exist,  and 
without  them,  the  very  machinery  of  government,  society  itself 
must  come  to  naught. 

But,  although,  we  need  the  profound  and  skilful  statesman, 
to  watch  over  our  political  interests,  and  to  place  the  fabric  of  just 
and  equitable  laws  upon  a  firm  foundation;  the  deeply  learned  and 
impartial  jurist,  to  execute  those  laws  in  such  a  manner  as  shall 
best  advance  the  general  good;  the  independent  capitalist,  to  con¬ 
tribute  by  the  circulation  of  his  wealth  to  our  prosperity,  and  con¬ 
sequent  safety  and  happiness  as  a  people; — yet  the  statesman,  the 
jurist,  the  capitalist,  has  equally  need  of  the  support  and  counte¬ 
nance  of  those  classes,  which  though  they  may  be  inferior  to  them 
in  high  and  lofty  attainments,  in  riches,  or  standing,  are  inferior 
to  none,  in  proud  self-respect,  in  virtuous  resolution,  and  in  the 
steady  purpose  [of  maintaining  inviolate  their  sacred  and  inviola¬ 
ble  rights^  And  to  my  view  it  is  most  deeply  to  be  deplored,  that 
feelings  of  je-alous  discontent  should  have  arisen  to  subvert  the  better 
judgment  of  th^  portion  of  our  population,  and  to  lead  them  astray 
from  the  only  covse  by  which  their  best  interests  and  final  pros¬ 
perity  are  to  be  secwed.  To  the  candid  and  unprejudiced  mind 
it  needs  but  a  moment \  reflection,  to  be  convinced  of  the  fallacy 
of  every  argument,  tending  to  show,  that  any  American  citizen  has 
real  cause  to  complain  of  itfjjstice  ancj  oppression.  That  man  is 
unjust  to  himself;  he  detracts  ^om  the  respectability  of  his  own 
charactei ,  who  docs  not  feel  the  t r t^h  of*  this  remark 

Different  spheres  of  action,  different,  duties  and  responsibili- 
ties,  are  the  natural  and  necessaiy  allotn^^^g  of  different  ranks  in 
society;  but  there  is  not  one  individual  in  either  of  these  ranks, 
who  does  not  or  may  not  receive  that  just  share  0f  public  and  pri¬ 
vate  respect  and  confidence,  which  his  merits  deserve,  who  does 
not  or  may  not  exercise  his  full  weight  of  influence,  puportibned, 
of  necessity,  to  the  power  and  means,  that  he  possesses  of  advanc¬ 
ing  the  general  good. 

To  improve  the  mind,  to  enlarge  the  understanding,  and  to 


13 


acquire  those  sources  of  information,  which  shall  contribute  to  our 
individual  happiness,  and  fit  us  for  the  best  discharge  of  the  duties 
and  obligations  which  we  owe  to  those  around  us,  in  whatever 
sphere  of  life  we  may  move,  is  denied  to  none  of  us.  There  are 
advantages  that  we  all  possess  in  common,  and  he  only  deserves 
or  receives  censure,  who  neglects  these  advantages,  in  order  to 
grasp  at  those  which  are  attainable  by  few,  without  the  risk  of  losing 
the  sure  and  certain  benefits  already  in  possession.  The  worthy 
and  intelligent  man,  who  chances  to  have  been  born,  in  that  con¬ 
dition,  which  devolves  upon  him  the  necessity  of  earning  his  bread 
by  the  labor  of  his  hands,  ever  meets  with  constant  encourage¬ 
ment  from  those,  who  have  been  more  highly  favored  in  this  re¬ 
spect  than  he.  It  is  a  fact,  which  none  can  deny,  that  if  a 
mechanic,  or  any  other  laboring  man  is  endowed  with  uncommon 
abilities,  and  with  a  desire  to  improve  them,  there  is  no  assistance 
which  he  can  ask,  that  is  not  cheerfully  granted  him;  no  praise  or 
respect  he  can  desire,  that  is  not  voluntarily  bestowed  upon  him, 
by  those  very  individuals,  so  falsely  accused  of  entertaining  to¬ 
wards  him  contemptuous  and  haughty  feelings. 

And  while  we  are  thus  favored,  as  a  people,  above  all  others 
in  the  universe;  while  the  most  equal  political  and  civil  rights  are 
enjoyed  by  all;  and  every  man  may  sit  under  his  own  vine  and 
fig-tree,  without  fear  and  without  danger,  is  it  not  most  ungrateful 
and  unwise,  to  complain  because  every  man  cannot  be  first  in  rank 
and  honor?  While  the  selfish  and  purse-proud  aristocrat,  intent 
only  upon  self-aggrandizement,  and  unmindful  alike  of  the  rights 
and  interests  of  the  poor  man,  whom  he  has  the  power  and  the 
will  to  oppress  and  crush  beneath  his  feet,  is  not  known  among 
us; — while  the  voice  of  an  absolute  monarch,  cannot  bid  us  bend 
to  his  powerful  sway  ;  or  priestcraft  and  ignorance,  close  our 
eyes  to  the  light  of  knowledge,  or  the  blessings  of  freedom; — 
while  no  such  curse  is  entailed  upon  us  or  our  posterity,  let  us 
with  feelings  of  grateful  pride,  acknowledge  our  manifold  causes 
for  thankfulness  and  contentment.  Let  it  be  our  boast,  that  we 
are  actuated  by  no  motive,  that  we  indulge  in  no  wishes,  that 
have  not  for  their  end  the  vital  interests  of  our  common  country. 
Let  us  be  happy  in  the  consciousness,  that  when  danger  threatens 


that  country,  it  is  to  her  yeomanry  that  she  must  look  for  defence 
and  safety,  and  that  while  intelligence  and  resolution,  kindness 
and  concord  are  preserved  among  her  sons,  she  may  defy  the 
united  wrath  of  her  bitterest  foes  to  prevail  against  her. 

But  if  we  are  not  determined  upon  such  a  course,  if  we  will 
not  enter  heart  and  soul  into  the  firm  resolve  to  set  our  faces 
against  every  endeavor  to  awaken  disunion  and  evil  passions  be¬ 
tween  man  and  man;  it  needs  not  the  gift  of  prophecy  to  foretell, 
that  the  splendid  destinies  of  republican  America  must  be  cut  off 
forever,  and  her  now  glorious  name  be  numbered  with  the  recol¬ 
lection  of  those  things,  that  have  been;  but  are  not. 


' 


. 


■  -•■■  ■  :  v  U 

■:*  ■  /•  J,  J  !  ■  ‘V  "■  '■ 

'  '  •  ••  .  t 


, 


/ 


■ 


. 


- 


<  i  - 


■  -  .  ■  •  '  ■  - 

* 


. 

•  ■ 


. 


.  - 


- 

■  • 

1 

. 


INTERESTING  CORRESPONDENCE, 


UTTER  FROM  MR.  RICHARD  RUSH. 


ON  THE  POLICY 


OF  THE 


&wmm,mAW‘  m 


m 


% 


JN  ANSWER  TO  THE  FOLLOWING  *. 


PROVIDENCE,  October  30th,  1830. 

^iilisc fibers  are  Commanders  and  Principal  Owners  of  a  Line  of 
Packets  between  Providence,  Rhode  Island,  and  Philadelphia.  Sixteen  years  last  t  pril, 
one  of  ns  commenced  in  the  business  with  a  sloop  of  37  tons,  occupying,  on  an  average, 
full  (wo  months  in  making  the  trip  both  ways,  with  frequently  much  difficulty  in  procuring 
freight,  particularly  on  the  return  voyage,  it  has,  however,  been  gradually  increasing,  and 
now8 there  are  six  schooners,  averaging  70  tons;  the  arrangements  of  which  are  to  depart 
once  a  week  from  each  Port,  and  with  abundant  freight  both  ways  lor  their  full  e'nPlo>’ 
ment  It  would  be  reasonable,  we  think,  to  estimate  the  property  that  is  interchanged  as 
exceedin-r  #1. 500. 000  annually.  ThL  arises  much  Irom  the  rapid  advances  which  American 
Manufactures'  have  made  in  Rhode  Island  and  in  its  vicinity,  and  the  great  development  ot 
the  mineral  and  agricultural  products  of  your  native  State.  I  he  present  lavoiable  situa¬ 
tion  of  the  coasting  and  internal  trade  of  the  country,  we  consider  has  been  greatly  pi  o- 
mo  ed  by  the  efforts  of  yourself  and  your  colleagues  while  in  ofttce,  and  peculiarly  so  while 

you  were  at  the  head  of  the  lreasury  Department  •  e  ;t 

3  Annrovine  as  we  do  of  your  public  services,  we  take  pleasure  in  notifying  you  of  it  now 
in  vour  retirement;  and  having  recently  added  a  new  vessel  to  our  line,  we  have  given  U 

the  name  o THE  RICHARD  RUSH”  .  ,  .  .  ,  rvonta 

^  Assuring  you  of  our  individual  regard  and  esteem,  we  remain  you r^fn ends  and  servants, 

A.  HALL, 

J  H.  LANGLEYES, 

H  K1LLEY, 

EDWARD  HALL. 


WASHINGTON : 

PRINTED  AT  THE  OFFICE  OF  THE  NATIONAL  JORRNAL. 


T830, 


LETTER  FROM  MR.  RUSH. 


YORK,  Pennsylvania,  Nov.  27,  1S3(L 

Gentlemen  :  I  received  last  week  your  letter  of  the  3Gth  of  October,  , 
in  which  you  inform  me  that  you  are  the  commanders  and  principal  ow¬ 
ners  of  a  line  of  Packets  between  Providence,  Rhode  Island,  and  Phila¬ 
delphia  ;  that  sixteen  years  ago  one  of  you  commenced  the  establish¬ 
ment  with  a  sloop  of  thirty-seven  tons  burthen,  which  occupied  two 
months  on  an  average,  in  making  the  trip,  and  that  even  that  single  ves¬ 
sel  had  often  much  difficulty  in  procuring  freight;  that  now,  the  line  has 
increased  to  six  Schooners,  averaging  seventy  tons  each,  whose  arrange¬ 
ments  are,  to  depart  once  a  week  for  each  port;  that  they  have  abun¬ 
dance  of  freight  both  ways  for  their  full  employment,  and  that  it  would 
not,  in  your  opinion,  be  an  unreasonable  estimate  of  the  property  inter¬ 
changed  to  say,  that  it  exceeds  one  million  five  hundred  thousand  dollars 
annually.  After  stating  these  facts,  you  add  your  belief,  that  the  in¬ 
crease  of  the  trade  has  arisen  from  the  rapid  advancement  which  Ame¬ 
rican  manufactures  have  made  in  Rhode  Island  and  its  vicinity,  and  the 
grat  development  of  the  mineral  and  agricultural  products  of  this,  my 
native  State.  You  are  also  pleased  to  intimate,  that,  in  your  opinion,  the 
present  favorable  situation  of  the  coasting  and  internal  trade  of  the 
country  has  been  greatly  promoted  by  the  policy  and  measures  pursued 
by  myself  and  those  with  whom  I  was  associated  in  the  management  of 
our  public  affairs,  particularly  whilst  I  was  at  the  head  of  the  Treasury  ; 
and  that  you  have  marked  our  approbation  of  that  policy,  by  giving  my 
name  to  one  of  your  vessels. 

Of  the  measures  in  question,  I  was,  it  is  true,  the  decided  and  zeal¬ 
ous  advocate ;  but  in  ways  far  less  prominent  and  at  dates  much  less 
early,  than  others  with  whom  I  acted.  Nevertheless  for  your  approba¬ 
tion  of  the  share  I  had  in  them,  spontaneously  offered  by  you  as  it  has 
been,  and  coming  to  me  here  unexpectedly  as  it  does,  where  I  have 
neither  power,  nor  patronage,  nor  desire  for  either,  I  am  thankful.  Offer¬ 
ed  in  kindness,  it  is  gratefully  received.  A  testimonial  so  wholly  unso¬ 
licited  and  unbought,  is  the  more  grateful,  from  the  undoubted  friendliness 
of  its  motive;  as  well  as  far  the  more  valuable,  from  the  character  of  the 
public  feeling  in  which  it  originates.  Speaking  of  the  measures,  as  of 
those  of  others,  which  I  merely  seconded  and  approved,  I  will  say  of 
them,  that  every  year  will  bring  fresh  proofs  of  their  wisdom.  It  is  the 
wisdom  of  time  and  experience.  What  are  countries  merely  agricultu¬ 
ral,  but  poverty  stricken?  If  We  want  to  see  the  greatest  sum  of  riches, 
and  power,  and  intelligence  in  nations,  we  must  go  to  those  where  man¬ 
ufactures  are  carried  on  largely  and  effectually,  in  conjunction  with  ag¬ 
riculture  and  commerce ;  and  where  they  have  been  encouraged  by  the 
laws,  not  neglected.  We  must  go  to  France,  to  England,  to  the  Nether¬ 
lands,  to  Holland,  to  the  best  parts  of  Germany,  the  most  enlightened 
and  freest  parts,  not  to  Poland  or  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope.  What  a  fact 
does  your  letter  announce !  The  tonnage  of  a  line  of  packets  between 
Providence  and  Philadelphia,  increased  nearly  twelve  hundred  per  cent, 
in  sixteen  years  1  Let  this  fact  be  promulgated.  It  is  better  for  our  side 
than  abstract  disquisitions  on  the  other  from  Mr.  Huskisson,  or  from 
whomsoever  they  may  come.  And  what  is  this  trade,  that  in  its  regular 
progress,  has  called  for  such  an  increase  of  tonnage  to  carry  it  from  port 
to  port?  I  answer,  the  best  of  all  trades,  because  consisting  of  wealth 
created,  as  well  as  diffused;  and  because  its  profits  all  centre  at  home> 

You  ascribe  the  increase  in  part  to  the  great  development  of  the  agricul¬ 
tural  and  mineral  products  of  this  State.  You  are  right :  And  in  this 
lies  the  paramount  excellence  of  manufacturing  industry;  for  when,  but 

Hv  n  flourishing  statp  of  m anil fnr, turns;  r>nr>  rtf*  tVin  rancog  tinvp 


wqt  seen  tile  agricultural  products  of  any  country,  or  the  mineral  pro¬ 
ducts,  where  nature  has  given  the  latter,  fully,  steadily,  and  permanent¬ 
ly  developed  1  It  would  be  to  look  for  an  effect  without  its  cause. 
What  has  made  a  garden  of  Belgium,  but  the  industry  of  her  manufac¬ 
turers  in  her  numerous  towns,  where  the  country  produce  always  finds  a 
ready  and  good  sale.  What  heaps  up  the  agricultural  products  of  France, 
of  Holland,  of  northern  Italy,  of  England,  of  all  the  countries  of  Europe, 
that  are  the  most  powerful,  if  large  ones,  or  the  most  prosperous,  if  small, 
but  the  regular  demand  for  those  products  by  the  other  productive  and 
consuming  classes  that  live  in  them ;  of  which  the  manufacturing  is,  and 
always  will  be,  the  most  important  1  But  for  the  manufactures  of  Rhode 
Island  and  elsewhere,  among  ourselves,  that  have  arisen  within  the 
last  few  years,  what  would  have  become  of  the  products  of  the  earth 
frofti  this  State  of  which  you  speak !  They  would  have  remained  hid¬ 
den  in  the  earth.  What  European  nation  would  have  taken  them!  Not 
one.  Our  manufactures  have  increased  the  demand  for  the  cotton  of 
the  south,  in  the  same  fair  proportion;  as  well  as  the  coasting  tonnage 
necessary  to  carry  it  from  the  places  of  its  growth,  to  the  places  where  it  is 
worked  up.  The  demands  of  foreign  commerce  may,  for  a  season, 
strain  up  the  price,  and  the  quantity,  of  agricultural  products;  but  the  na¬ 
tion  that  trusts  to  this  as  the  only  vent  for  them,  is  undone,  or  will  have  but 
a  short-lived  existence,  or  must  be  content  with  a  humble  rank  in  the 
world.  The  race  of  permanent  opulence  and  renown,  of  commanding  in¬ 
fluence,  of  stable  revenues,  of  steady  and  successful  commerce  at  home 
and  abroad,  of  high  civilization,  and  even  of  durable  freedom,  is  not  the 
race  that  such  a  nation  will  ever  run.  No  artisans  like  those  of  Paris 
will  stand  out  in  its  annals,  remarkable  one  day  for  the  diversified  la¬ 
bors  with  which  they  can  enrich  and  adorn  a  magnificent  metropolis ; 
the  next,  for  the  sublime  patriotism  and  invincible  courage  with  which 
they  can  drive  a  tyrant  from  his  throne. 

I  have  mentioned  Mr.  Huskisson — let  me  not  do  so  with  injustice — 
still  less  with  what  may  look  like  a  sneer.  His  character  is  not  the  sub¬ 
ject  of  it,  however  frankly  I  may  deal  with  some  of  his  opinions.  His 
lamented  death  is  still  upon  our  hearts;  and  to  me  it  has  happened  to 
have  known  his  eminent  private,  as  all  knew  his  great  public,  value. 
Had  he  lived  here  he  would  have  been  with  us,  I  am  sure  be  would,  on 
the  doctrines  of  the  Tariff.  The  proof  is  decisive.  His  mind  was  as 
practical  as  its  range  was  wide  and  clear,  on  all  subje-cts  that  he  exam¬ 
ined.  Like  Iris  illustrious  friend,  the  last  great  commoner  who  rose  to 
the  Premiership,  he  looked,  whatever  his  plans,  to  the  power  and  glory 
of  England.  They  each  nobly  looked  to  this  end,  and  each  in  his  own 
way.  Canning  to  her  political  glory  ;  to  her  treaties,  to  her  alliances,  to 
her  foreign  policy.;  his  eloquence,  and  his  state  papers,  keeping  within 
these  orbits.  Huskisson,  to  her  commercial  glory;  to  her  shipping,  her 
manufactures,  to  all  her  trade  in  detail,  to  her  finances.  Each  had  mas¬ 
ter  minds,  and  they  worked  together,  the  aggrandizement  of  their  coun¬ 
try  the  bond  of  their  affection.  The  latter,  whilst  he  saw  every  thing 
upon  the  largest  scale,  could  work  in  his  details  too  with  consummate 
skill.  No  complications,  but  he  could  disentangle;  no  tables  of  figures 
but  he  could  set  in  order;  no  results  that  he  could  not  render  specious, 
if  not  make  alluring.  Grant  him  but  his  premises,  which  all  had  not 
the  ability,  and  scarcely  any  the  patience  to  scrutinize,  and  his  conclu¬ 
sions  followed  of  course.  He  tried  to  persuade  them  in  France,  that  their 
abundant  prosperity  would  become  more  abundant,  if  they  would  but 
give  up  their  doctrine  of  protecting  manufactures  by  the  laws.  It  was 
a  prejudice  of  other  days;  they  ought  to  renounce  it;  they  ought  to  ad¬ 
mit  British  manufactures  under  low  duties,  or  perhaps  no  duties  at  all ; 
so  Adam  Smith  thought  all  nations  had  better  do;  the  English  would 
then  repeal  their  duties  on  French  manufactures.  By  this  policy,  alone 
worthy  of  enlightened  and  great  nations  who  saw  their  true  interest,  the 


4 


industry  of  both  France  and  England  would  wonderfully  shoot  ahead. 
No  longer  would  it  be  trammelled  by  the  clogs  of  legislators;  no  longer 
be  ruined  by  the  nostrums  of  political  doctor's.  But  the  French  were 
Unmoved.  In  the  midst  of  all  his  positions  and  illustrations,  of  his  ex¬ 
panded  views  and  generous  lectures,  they  remained  unmoved.  Whether 
it  was  their  jealousy  of  their  own  manufactures  that  took  the  alarm,  their 
blindness  that  could  not  see,  their  volatility  that  would  not  listen,  or  what 
— but  no  impression  could  be  made  upon  them.  They  went  on  in  the 
old  way,  and  back  he  went  to  old  England :  but,  patriot  like,  nothing 
discouraged.  A  new  hope  started  to  his  mind. 

We,  of  this  hemisphere,  were  under  different  circumstances,  and  to 
work  he  went  in  the  task  of  schooling  us.  It  was  foolish  in  us  to  be 
running  into  this  exploded  error  ;  bout  trade,  because  we  were  a  young 
nation.  It  had  been  time  for  France  to  abjure  it,  because  she  was  an 
old  nation.  We  were  fools  for  adopting  it,  because  we  had  plenty  of 
land  yet  to  settle,  and  but  little  capital ;  because  our  population  was  thin 
and  labor  dear.  The  French  were  fools  for  adhering  to  it,  because  there 
capital  had  long  been  accumulated,  and  skill  required;  they  were  a  re¬ 
fined  nation,  a  nation  of  the  arts,  where  population  was  thick  and  labor 
cheap.  So,  we  were  young  fools  and  old  fools  together.  The  keen  op¬ 
tics  of  the  Englishman,  pointing  his  home  telescope  both  ways,  first 
across  the  channel  and  then  across  the  Atlantic,  saw,  by  the  magicai 
workings  of  its  British  glasses,  the  two  nations  exactly  in  the  same  lights. 
Each  fitted,  to  a  hair,  all  his  new  projects  of  repeal  and  enactment! 
They  were  to  be  submitted  to  Parliament,  in  his  triple  capacity,  of  Mem¬ 
ber  for  Liverpool,  President  of  the  Board  of  Trade,  and  enlightened  ad¬ 
vocate  of  free  trade  for  all  the  world,  upon  equal  terms. 

But,  what  said  he  of  Britain  all  this  while?  Of  Britain,  filled  with 
her  forges  and  looms,  her  steam  power,  her  collieries,  her  blast  fur¬ 
naces,  glaring,  as  with  beacon  fires,  over  whole  divisions  of  her  Island ; 
of  Britain,  pointing  to  her  Manchesters,  her  Sheffields,  her  Birming- 
hams,  her  Congletons,  her  Woolverhamptons,  and  her  hundred  other 
towns,  all  connected  with  each  other,  and  with  her  sea-ports,  by  superb 
artificial  ways  of  water  or  land,  where  natural  ones  failed  ;  of  Britain, 
confident  at  all  points  in  her  manufacturing  superiority,  and  towering  in 
her  manufacturing  strength;  of  Britain,  the  sons  of  whose  very  manu¬ 
facturers  class  with  the  nobles  of  her  land;  who  are  receiving  at  their 
Lulworth  castles  the  royal  fugitives  of  France,  and  sheltering  them  with 
a  princely  munificence;  of  this  Britain  what  did  he  say?  Why,  let  us 
see.  It  may  give  us  instruction.  To  some  it  may  be  new — by  others 
forgotten.  Here  it  is.  He  said,  that  he  was  not  afraid  to  recommend 
(his  very  word)  the  proposed  reduction  of  duties  on  foreign  manufac¬ 
tures  coming  into  England,  as  an  inducement  to  other  nations  to  lessen 
theirs  on  British  manufactures  going  abroad,  well  knowing  that  besides 
the  monopoly,  almost  total,  which  British  manufacturers  enjoyed  at 
home,  immense  as  it  was,  they  were  sent,  at  the  very  moment  he  was 
speaking,  “in  a  proportion  far  exceeding  the  supply  from  any  other  coun¬ 
try,  to  the  general  markets  of  the  world.”  Very  like  our  condition,  in¬ 
deed!  I  quote  from  his  great  speech  of  1825,  in  which  he  first  laid 
clown  his  doctrines  of  free  trade ;  not  a  newspaper  report  of  it,  but  one 
believed  to  have  been  corrected  by  himself.  I  need  no  stronger  proof, 
though  I  think  there  is  enough  besides,  that  had  Mr.  Huskisson  filled 
our  Treasury,  instead  of  presiding  over  the  English  Board  of  Trade, 
been  in  Congress  instead  of  Parliament,  adapting  himself  to  the  maxims 
of  a  different  sphere,  he  would  have  been  the  constant  advocate  of  the 
laws  in  favor  of  manufactures.  His  strong  mind  would  never  have  doubt¬ 
ed  their  constitutionality,  any  more  than  our  illustrious  Madison’s.  He 
would  have  pleaded  their  cause  as  necessary  to  the  getting  rid  of  the 
prejudices  of  other  days;  as  necessary  towards  enlarging  the  demand 
for  our  products,  grown  slack  after  the  peace  of  Europe ;  to  the  n?org 


sure  as  well  as  comprehensive  operations,  by  and  by,  of  our  foreign  com¬ 
merce,  by  diversifying  as  well  as  multiplying  its  objects ;  to  the  ultimate 
stability  of  our  finances,  in  danger,  on  the  first  political  storm,  of  being 
shattered  to  pieces,  whilst  depending  upon  nothing  but  duties  on  import¬ 
ed  goods,  and  those  chiefly  British,  for  keeping  them  whole.  After  this 
fashion  would  he  have  pleaded,  I  have  no  doubt,  though  far  better.  He 
would  have  added,  that  those  laws  were  necessary  for  putting  us  upon 
something  like  a  par,  during  the  first  age  at  least,  with  nations  having  the 
start  of  us,  by  ages,  in  the  race  of  manufactures,  and  who  began  their 
race,  every  one  of  them,  and  most  of  them  keeping  it  up,  under  the 
strongest  protection  of  laws.  Finally,  he  would  have  pleaded  for  them 
as  necessary  towards  improving  the  full  advantages  of  a  coasting  trade 
that  nature  had  laid  out  for  us,  of  boundless  extent  and  inexhaustible 
promise.  I  am  not  sure  that  his  patriotism  could  have  hoped  for,  or  his 
foresight  have  predicted,  the  increase  under  the  last  head  of  which  your 
letter  gives  an  account.  At  the  increase  he  would  not  have  the  less  re¬ 
joiced,  as  disclosing,  besides  all  other  benefits,  one  of  the  firm  support's 
of  our  future  naval  power. 

So  far,  Mr.  Huskisson.  How  did  he  strive,  how  anxiously,  how  labo¬ 
riously,  to  draw  out  the  resources  and  exalt  the  grandeur  of  his  own  coun¬ 
try.  Honor  for  all  his  opinions,  since  to  these  great  ends  they  were  all 
directed.  Of  public  works  belonging  to  the  internal  improvements  of 
England,  upon  the  broadest  scale,  he  was  always  the  powerful  and  zeal¬ 
ous  champion.  Multiplied  in  number,  stupendous  in  construction,  as  are 
already  such  works  there,  he  stopped  not.  By  more  common  minds  it 
might  have  been  thought  that  the  measure  of  England’s  wants  in  that 
great  department  was  completely  filled  up,  and  that  she  ought  to  pause 
under  the  magnitude  of  her  past  expenditure.  Not  so,  his.  Yet  he 
was  strictly  an  economist.  Often  he  checked  useless  expenditure. 
He  applied  the  hand  of  reform  to  useless  offices ;  he  struck 
with  keen  and  patient  diligence,  from  the  statute-book,  a  thousand 
useless  statutes  about  trade,  all  of  them  an  incumbrance  upon  trade, 
and  some  of  them  still  bringing  charges  upon  the  revenue.  But  well 
considered  public  works,  he  viewed  as  investments  for  the  nation,  soon 
to  yield  a  tenfold  increase.  Therefore,  with  a  wise  forecast,  and  an 
elevated  conception  of  his  public  duties,  would  he  expend  money,  and 
liberally,  upon  such  works.  Some  minds  cannot  see  even  what  is  all 
around  them.  He  saw  not  only  present  objects,  but  saw  into  futurity. 
It  was  one  of  his  opinions,  that  England  was  but  beginning  her  career  of 
.opulence  and  power.  Of  that  great  enterprise,  the  Liverpool  and  Man¬ 
chester  Rail  Road,  soon  to  prove  as  useful  as  it  is  magnificent,  he  was 
among  the  earliest  and  most  confident  advisers.  Alas,  that  he  should 
have  been  the  first  to  perish  there ! — the  scene  of  his  death,  and  the  the¬ 
atre  of  his  triumph. 

I  am  writing  a  long  letter.  It  is  longer  by  far  than  I  would  have  writ¬ 
ten  only  a  very  few  weeks  ago.  Then,  I  should,  in  all  probability,  have 
contented  myself  with  a  simple  and  private  acknowledgment  of  yours. 
But  now  I  make  it  the  occasion  of  something  more.  It  has  reached  me 
at  a  season  when  we  are  on  the  brink,  as  I  believe,  of  new  and  difficult 
times.  Thus  imbues  with  an  interest  greatly  augmented,  the  informa¬ 
tion  you  have  imparted ;  and  thence  it  is  that  I  have  felt  impelled  to  a 
more  full  answer.  I  believe  a  general  war  in  Europe  to  be  at  hand.  I 
have  believed  so,  since  we  first  knew  of  the  three  days  fighting  in  Paris, 
and  their  results.  Those  three  days  are  to  throw  a  new  element  into  the 
political  world,  of  ultimate  good  I  do  not  doubt,  but  of  portentous  aspect 
now.  The  principle  of  monarchy  is  not  dead.  It  will,  at  its  own  time, 
put  itself  against  the  principle  of  that  memorable  fight,  the  recognition  of 
the  new  King  of  the  French,  side  by  side  with  our  illustrious  Lafayette, 
notwithstanding.  In  the  most  powerful  parts  of  continental  Europe,  out, 
oflrance.  it.  is  in  rnwk  life  In  Au^tvia  it  i«  inmtovo+n,  Tv» 


6 


tremendous.  In  neither  country  is  there  any  check  in  general  public 
opinion  upon  the  imperial  will,  and  legions  of  armed  and  brave  men  are 
the  obedient  instruments  of  that  will.  Both  governments,  on  the  princi¬ 
ple  of  arbitrary  sway,  are  administered  for  all  purposes,  but  especially 
warlike  purposes,  with  abundant  ability.  They  can,  unhappily,  plant  the 
array  against  freedom,  in  glittering  masses  and  with  frightful  vigor.  The 
battle  somehow,  and  soon,  must  lie  fought.  Caution  may  delay  it  for 
a  while ;  but  it  cannot,  go  off.  The  interests  and  passions  which  the 
events  of  those  three  days  put  in  motion,  and  the  example  which  they 
have  consecrated,  are  far  too  mighty  in  all  that  affects  thrones,  empires, 
people,  to  subside  without  a  furious  conflict.  Even  in  England,  the  prin¬ 
ciple  of  monarchy  is  deeply  rooted.  There,  it  is  sustained  by  an  aristo¬ 
cracy  of  influence,  which  never  can  be  overcome  in  political,  any  more 
than  in  common  life,  under  the  present  complex  system  of  their  govern¬ 
ment,  the  monopolizing  preferences  of  their  laws,  and  the  state  of  repre¬ 
sentation  in  their  House  of  Commons.  With  that  aristocracy  a  large 
portion  of  the  British  public,  much  larger  than  we  think,  will,  from  prin¬ 
ciple,  or  dependence,  or  prejudice,  be  brought  to  side  ;  forming  together 
a  rich  and  courageous  body,  formidable  by  both  these  attributes,  as  well 
as  its  intelligence,  that  will  be  ready,  on  very  slender  pretexts,  to  fight  it 
out  against  the  principle  of  the  new  revolution  in  France.  Though  the 
principle  of  that  revolution  was  as  just  as  the  victory  of  the  three  days  was 
brilliant,  and  though  it  was  magnanimous  to  defeated  royalty,  beyond  all 
parallel,  it  will  not  escape  the  frowns  of  aristocracy.  The  materials  of 
strife  will  be  aggravated  by  the  shock  of  conflicting  principles.  The 
speech  of  the  ambassador  Talleyrand,  to  King  William,  (a  formulary 
not  new  to  the  ambassador,)  and  the  personal,  or  even  royal  virtues,  of 
the  King,  will  not  alter  the  essential  nature  of  things.  It  is,  in  fact,  the 
war  already  begun  between  popular  opinion,  on  the  one  side,  and  ancient 
and  established  power  on  the  other,  which  Mr.  Canning,  in  his  speech 
on  the  affairs  of  Portugal,  not  long  before  his  death,  described  as  in  pros¬ 
pect  for  Europe ;  and  which,  once  begun,  might  be  expected  to  be  terrible, 
both  by  its  fierceness  and  duration.  May  we,  from  our  distance,  and 
under  our  equal  and  happy  institutions,  keep  out  of  the  strife.  Candor 
must  admit,  that  the  present  administration  of  our  government,  as  far  as 
the  public  know,  have  pursued  a  conciliating  course  towards  other  na¬ 
tions.  But  a  course  friendly  and  conciliatory  on  our  part,  is  not  always 
a  safeguard  against  trouble.  Should  Great  Britain  get  into  war,  she 
would  wage  it  with  more  effect  than  she  has  ever  waged  war  before. 
Notwithstanding  the  occasional  depression  in  some  parts  of  her  industry, 
and  distress  in  some  parts  of  her  population,  whether  from  heavy  taxation, 
the  growing  rivalry  to  her  manufactures  in  other  countries,  or  her  abridg¬ 
ed  currency  from  a  return  to  specie,  or  from  a  deficient  supply  in  the 
precious  metals,  or  from  whatever  other  causes  arising,  which  her  own 
statesmen  never  can  settle,  we  must  not  suppose  that  she  has  been  losing 
ground.  Her  resources,  on  the  contrary,  in  defiance  of  all  real  or  im¬ 
aginary  diminutions,  have  undergone  since  1815,  in  the  aggregate,  a  vast 
increase.  Her  exports,  her  imports,  and  her  revenue,  would  be  the  decis¬ 
ive  tests  of  this  assertion,  particularly  her  revenue  from  excise,  which 
is  little  short  of  thirty  millions  sterling  a  year,  showing  a  prodigious  in¬ 
crease  in  her  power  of  consumption  and  payment  within.  This  amount 
of  her  excise  at  present  is  the  more  remarkable,  as  parts  of  this  branch 
of  her  revenue  system  have  been  repealed  since  the  last  war.  Her  pop¬ 
ulation  has  been  increasing  faster  than  it  has  ever  done.  Her  towns, 
even  London,  enormous  as  they  seemed  before,  have  grown  in  size, 
some  of  them,  as  London  itself,  almost  beyond  belief,  whilst  new  ones 
have  risen  up;  and,  where  scarce  fifteen  years  ago  you  saw,  in  the 
country,  heaths  and  commons,  wild  and  sterile,  and  abode  of  robbers, 
you  may  now  turn  your  eyes  upon  fields  and  gardens  and  manufactories 

— -arvt3.C/'l)ywIg T ko  m n f  i tu ^cS.  I ypr  rrrjiin  r>f  :dl  kinds,  rajsgdL&ud  KpUi  at 


i 


home,  has  increased  greatly  with  the  increasing  amount  of  her  manu¬ 
factures.  The  whole  momentum  of  her  physical  and  moral  power,  in 
short,  will  be  found  to  have  advanced  in  a  ratio,  marking  for  the  most 
part  the  progress  of  new,  rather  than  old  countries.  Her  armies  and 
fleets,  partaking  of  the  general  advancement,  will  go  forth  in  greater 
numbers,  and  under  more  formidable  equipments  of  ail  kinds,  than  here¬ 
tofore.  Her  debt  will  not  restrain  her  a  moment  from  war,  after  her 
interest,  her  ambition,  or  her  pride,  begins  to  urge  her  on.  It  is  even 
less  than  it  was  in  Queen  Ann’s  time,  in  proportion  to  her  wealth  and 
income.  The  heresy  of  defending  such  a  debt  would  be  one  thing:  to 
look  at  it  in  connexion  with  her  augmented  means  of  revenue  and  ag¬ 
gression,  and  free  from  misconception  under  these  views,  is  another.  If 
her  expenditure  be  excessive,  beyond  all  example  in  modern  times,  so  is  her 
power  of  replenishment.  Qf  the  latter,  her  credit  is  the  consequence  and  the 
proof.  On  this  subject  I  once  heard  a  grave  Senator  of  Britain  say  what  may 
be  here  worth  repeating.  I  heard  him,  and  it  is  not  more  than  six  years  gone 
by,  thank  his  God,  that  his  country,  having  borne  the  property  tax  once, 
could  bear  it  again;  wdiich,  yielding  as  it  did,  fifteen  millions  sterling  a 
year,  would  be  good,  be  said,  for  the  interest  of  at  least  three  hundred 
millions  more  that  might  be  borrowed,  in  addition  to  their  present  debt  of 
eight  hundred  millions;  and  this  without  adverting  to  other  and  new 
sources  of  supply.  Her  government  could  borrow  now  from  her  own 
subjects  more  money  in  a  few  hours,  than  all  the  governments  in  Europe 
could  borrow  from  their  subjects  in  the  lapse  of  months,  probably  years. 
Even  the  loans  made  in  other  parts  of  Europe,  would  be,  under  the  as¬ 
sistance  of  British  capital,  directly  or  remotely  afforded,  as  they  have 
been,  more  or  less,  for  twenty  years  past,  else  they  would  be  small  loans 
in  comparison  with  hers. 

If  Britain  should  get  into  the  war,  I  am  induced  to  believe,  however 
reluctantly,  that  she  would  impress  our  seamen,  under  a  revival  of  her 
unwarrantable  claim  to  search  the  merchant  vessels  of  other  nations 
upon  the  high  seas  for  her  own.  Should  we  get  embroiled  through  this 
or  any  other  causes  to  which  the  belligerent  state  of  Europe  would  open 
a  fruitful  field,  then  should  we  begin  to  see  in  new  lights  the  true  nature 
of  our  late  policy.  Then  would  be  apparent  our  gain  from  the  protecting 
system,  partially  as  we  have  adopted  it.  I  say  partially,  for  it  is  a  misap¬ 
plication  of  terms  to  speak  of  it  as  prohibitory,  or  even  rigid,  when  judg¬ 
ed  by  the  example  of  nations  that  have  gone  before  us.  It  may  seem 
strange,  after  all  that  has  been  said  about  the  tariff,  yet  it  is  true,  that,  at 
this  moment,  of  the  amount  of  foreign  merchandise,  paying  ad  valorem 
duty,  that  we  import  from  all  parts  of  the  world,  nine-tenths  of  it  come 
in  under  duties  varying  from  twelve  per  cent.,  to  thirty-three  and  one-third 
per  cent.  It  is  only  one-tenth  that  pays  higher,  and  this  tenth  does  not 
pay  over  fifty  per  cent.,  and  some  of  it  less.  Let  it  be  added,  that  the 
ad  valorem  articles  that  we  import,  exceed  generally  in  the  sum  of  duties 
collected  from  them,  the  articles  paying  specific  duty.  Still,  we  should 
reap  in  wealth  and  strength,  to  the  amount  that  we  have  sowed.  We.' 
should  derive  the  proper  value  of  our  manufactures,  already  fiourij&nir 
to  some  extent  in  woollens,  in  cotton,  in  iron;  all  of  which  would  l^PL- 
mediatelyand  advantageously  extended  and  improved.  Then,  too,  should 
we  begin  to  see,  in  new  lights,  our  internal  irnnijo vcJ^Xs,  made  at  the 
national  cost,  for  the  national  benefit.  ThenlRoifldPe  see  how  they 
facilitated  our  intercourse,  cheapened  all  our  defences,  augmented  all  our 
means.  Then  should  we  acknowledge  the  wisdom  of  those  measures, 
and  wish  their  execution,  that  were  long  since  projected  for  us  by  able 
statesmen,  by  Albert  Gallatin  and  Mr.  Calhoun,  as  fit  to  be  accomplished 
by  the  nation’s  means;  measures  which  looked,  and  these  were  not  all  of 
them,  to  the  construction  of  a  well  finished  and  durable  road  from  Louisi¬ 
ana  to  Maine,  and  to  connecting  Boston  and  Savannah  by  a  well  ostab- 

K,.i — i  r...  ' 


8 


o«r  proper  advancement  as  a  nation,  due  to  the  destinies  to  winch  nature 
and  the  o  lorious  freedom  of  our  institutions  are  beckoning  us,  it  we,  the 


present  trustees  of  them  all,  do  not  slumber  over  and  neglect  them.  We 

a  ,  i  i _  _ lI _ _  rwrnci  fho  hirrh  «lnnnnrr  ot 


ouo-ht to  be  roused  to  them,  by  casting  our  eyes  to  the  high  standard  ot 
competition  before  us  in  other  nations.  There  is  a  race  going  on,  m  tne 
world,  of  riches  and  power,  as  well  as  freedom,  from  which  sluggard  na¬ 
tions  will  fall  back;  out  of  whose  bright  course  they  will  be  hooted,  I  he 
prize  of  the  last  our  fathers  won  for  us,  and  may  it  be  imperishable.  Let 
us  do  the  rest.  They  would  have  expected  it  of  us.  Let  us  raise  up  to 
the  proper  pitch  of  social  and  national  exaltation,  the  country  which  they 
crave  us.  Else  shall  we  be  unworthy  of  such  fathers;  else  will  they  have 
done  every  thing,  and  we  nothing.  Shame  if  we  abandon  measures  ot 
internal  improvement,  when  the  good  sense  of  the  world  is  on  our  side, 
and  after  majorities  of  our  own  people  have  repeatedly  come  to  decisions 
in  their  favor,  on  the  score  both  of  the  Constitution  and  of  expediency. 
Having  becnin  with  them,  let  us  go  on,  with  wisdom  as  with  resolution. 
They  would  form  the  great  highway  of  a  profitable  traffic  to  us  in  peace, 
and  of  our  most  important  operations  in  war.  Every  year,  every  day, 
they  would  be  leading  to  new  developments  of  our  agricultural  and  min¬ 
eral  products,  as  our  manufacturers  are  beginning  to  do;  to  which  they 
should  be  as  inseparable  handmaids,  and  in  conjunction  with  which,  they 
would  every  where  be  enriching  and  embellishing  our  land,  liy  the 
States  individually,  they  will  never  be  done.  They  cannot  be  done.  Un¬ 
less  the  nation  does  them,  they  will  remain  forever  undone,  to  our  detri¬ 
ment  in  p^ace,  and  our  greater  detriment  in  war.  Ot  such  measures,  as 
of  all  measures  for  the  tariff,  a  statesman,  of  our  country,  y^W;n~  m  ge¬ 
nius  to  none  in  either  hemisphere,  has  been  the  undeviatmg  and  master 
advocate.  I  can  mean  none  other  than  Mr.  Clay.  Foremost  has  ho 
been  in  fighting  the  battles  of  the  mind,  that  won  the  victories  cu  the 
mind,  when  these  momentous  parts  of  our  policy  came  first  under  lull 
discussion;  and  I  am  the  more  bound  to  mention  him  here,  because  it  is 
to  him  that  all  the  first  praise  of  your  letter  belongs.  In  transferring  it  to 
him,  I  perforin  but  an  act  of  sheer  justice.  History,  with  truth  in  her 
hand,  cannot  fail  to  give  him  higher  and  more  durable  praise,  when  the 

spirit  of  party  shall  have  passed  away. 

It  is  time  that  I  should  bring  my  letter  to  a  close.  I  have  no  excuse 
for  its  length,  but  in  the  nature  of  yours.  Your  facts  are  ful  ot  public 
importance,  and  it  is  for  this  reason  that  I  write  about  them  through  the 
medium  of  a  paper  in  the  town  where  I  live,  publishing  also  your  letter^ 
The  opinions  I  have  given  being  those  of  a  private  citizen,  not  delivered 
from  any  official  seat,  may  pass  for  what  they  are  worth,  and  no  more.  I 
have  given  them  with  the  more  freedom,  because  I  am  a  private  citizen 
My  praise  or  my  blame  can  be  of  no  account  to  any  one.  I  am  no  writer 
tor  the  newspapers  on  party  subjects ;  but  I  do  not  confound  with  such 
discussions  the  valuable  public  facts  which  you  have  presented  to  me ; 
and  least  of  all  at  such  a  crisis  as  I  believe  to  be  drawing  near.  1  view 
f  hem  as  part  of  a  great  class  of  facts,  proper  to  go  before  the  pu  ic,  an 
idfifcing  them  to  that  tribunal,  X  have  added  as  much  ot  comment  as 
s MSfed  to  me  appropriate,  viewed  in  connexion  with  the  principles  and 
reflections  that  ^long  to  them.  I  have  done  so,  not  with  the  passions  oi 


a  partisan,  for^jb  noLffiv,.  -**-*--, -  .  ,  T 

I  do  feel;  and filffi, Reeling,  I  have  expressed  without  reserve,  as,  l 

trust,  without  indecorum. 

Thanking  you  again  for  your  letter,  and  with  wishes  the  most  sincere 
for  your  continued  and  further  prosperity,  with  which  I  hold  the  puolic 
prosperity  to  be  identified,  I  cordially  reciprocate  your  assurances  of 

friendly  esteem,  and  beg  to  subscribe  myself 

Your  obedient  and  faithful  servant, 

RICHARD  RUSH, 


;  hffior 


feel  them,  but  under  truths  and  convictions  that 


Date  Due 


PHOTOMOUNT 
PAMPHLET  BINDER 

PAT.  NO. 
877188 

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18 

f  /!$  v  * 

b  bod 

\  Author 

.  .OeTord . Samuel  T.  1 

1  rn  .  1  - - - - —  — 

